Articles courtesy of EurasiaNet.org United States Faces Fault Lines in Building Afghan Army (Ahmed Rashid, July 29, 2002) Karzai Turns to United States to Fill Afghan Security Gap (Halima Kazem, July 24, 2002) Looking for Trouble? Russia Steers Central Asian Antiterrorist Preparations (Roger N. McDermott, July 22, 2002) Opium Runners Find Passage Along Tajik-Afghan Border (July 19, 2002) Slow Western Aid Could Undermine Afghan Stability (Ahmed Rashid, July 18, 2002) IMU Fighters Are in Pakistan: Eyewitnesses (Arif Jamal, July 12, 2002) As Jalalabad Mourns, Qadir’s Legacy Remains Unfixed (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, July 8, 2002) Afghan Politician’s Murder Touches Off Political Discord (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, July 10, 2002) Assassination, Bombing Incident in Afghanistan Pose Severe Political Challenge for Karzai's Leadership (Ahmed Rashid, July 8, 2002) Turkmen Dissidents Seek International Support to Unseat President (July 8, 2002) Kyrgyz Security Council Secretary Warns of Fresh IMU Attacks, But to What End? (Zamira Eshanova, July 6, 2002) "Why Do They Use Bombs?": Grieving Afghans Demand Answers (Halima Kazem, July 3, 2002) CIS States Confront Questions Concerning Strategic Alignment (Taras Kuzio, July 1, 2002) Violence Thwarts Northern Afghan City’s Rehabilitation (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, July 1, 2002) Dirty Bomb Investigation Targets Central Asia and the Caucasus (Mark Berniker, June 28, 2002) Karzai Grapples with Appointment of Women's Affairs Minister in Afghanistan (Camelia Enkhetabi-Fard, June 25, 2002) New Afghan Cabinet Configuration Source of Discontent for Many Pashtuns (Ahmed Rashid, June 24, 2002) Qanooni's Rejection Ends Afghan Council on a Bumpy Note (Camelia Enkhetabi-Fard, June 20, 2002) Surprise Deals Mulled at Afghan Council (Camelia Enkhetabi-Fard, June 18, 2002) Afghan Council Stalls As Karzai Asserts Authority (June 17, 2002) Divisive Debate Mutes Karzai's Anti-Warlord Agenda (Camelia Enkhetabi-Fard, June 14, 2002) Afghan Women Find Political Voice (Halima Kazem, June 14, 2002) As Expected, Karzai to Lead Afghan Transitional Government (Camelia Enkhetabi-Fard, June 13, 2002) Accusations of American Meddling Mar Afghan Council (Camelia Enkhetabi-Fard, June 12, 2002) Amid Calls for Unity, Afghans Contend with Stubborn Factionalism (Camelia Enkhetabi-Fard, June 11, 2002) Uncertainty Hovers Over Loya Jirga (Ahmed Rashid, June 10, 2002) Former King Deflects Political Controversy as Afghan Vote Waits (Camelia Enkhetabi-Fard, June 10, 2002) Suspicion and Protest Mark Run-Up to Afghan Grand Council (Camelia Enkhetabi-Fard, June 7, 2002) Emergency Loya Jirga: Strength in Numbers? (Halima Kazem, June 5, 2002) Polished Commission Chairman Prepares for Historic Afghan Vote (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, June 3, 2002) As Concern Over Afghanistan's Security Mounts, UN Declines to Expand Peacekeepers' Mandate (Todd Diamond, May 28, 2002) UN Security Council Extends ISAF But Maintains Limits to Kabul (Robert McMahon, May 25, 2002) Iranian Leader Plans Visit To Afghanistan (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, May 24, 2002) Civil Society Returns to Herat (Ahmed Rashid, May 16, 2002) Islamic Radicals Regroup in Central Asia (Artie McConnell, May 15, 2002) In Peshawar, Warning Signs for Afghan Peace (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, May 13, 2002) Afghanistan Repatriation Pace Outstripping Funds - UNHCR (May 12, 2002) Russia, China Warily Watch for American Intrusions in Central Asia (Ahmed Rashid, May 3, 2002) Reconstruction Money "Extremely Slow" to Reach Afghanistan (Todd Diamond, April 25, 2002) Afghan Development on the Line (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, April 23, 2002) Afghans Thrill, for One Day at Least, at King's Return (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, April 19, 2002)

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IMU Movements May Press Tajikistan to Forefront of Security Concerns (Davron Vali, April 18, 2002)

While the United States and others in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization confront the challenges of building a stable democracy within Afghanistan, other governments worry about potential disturbances from groups that fought alongside Afghanistan's Taliban militia. Uzbekistan still faces a threat from the insurrectionist Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU); Russia is persisting in efforts to suppress Chechen rebels; and China claims the Uighur separatists, eastern Muslims who have never formally advocated violence, are working in concert with the IMU. But Tajikistan, which has a fairly porous border with Afghanistan and which has seen the IMU cause trouble in the past, may be more immediately vulnerable than any of these states to destabilizing attacks by extremists.

Uncertainty Awaits Exiled Former King in Kabul (Ahmed Rashid, April 17, 2002)

Mohammed Zahir Shah, Afghanistan's exiled former king, will return to Kabul on April 18 to a rapturous welcome by millions of Afghans hungry for peace and stability. His return will dramatically speed up the process by which Afghans seek to form a new, more representative government by June, beginning with a grand tribal council called a Loya Jirga. But Zahir Shah's arrival will not simply provoke celebration. It will also expose longstanding ethnic divisions in the country, potentially arousing partisan passions as warlords lobby for support before the Loya Jirga.

Interim Afghan Government Attempts to Bolster Image of Authority (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, April 12, 2002)

The Afghan interim government, buffeted in recent days by a bombing and an alleged coup attempt, is taking steps to reinforce its image. Ongoing instability in Afghanistan has shaken the international community's faith in the interim government, some Afghan officials believe. As a result, long-promised foreign aid needed to reconstruct the country has yet to be received.

Defense Establishment's Control of US Policy Poses Threat to Afghan Reconstruction (Ahmed Rashid, April 10, 2002)

Some officials within the Bush administration and the interim government in Kabul complain that the CIA's and the US military's continuing control of US policy is hampering Afghanistan's reconstruction. The continuing military emphasis on policy is thwarting the development of political and economic tactics that strengthen the interim government and promote reconciliation.

Washington Fears for Karzai's Future (Ariel Cohen, April 9, 2002)

Aware that they will be judged by "what kind of Afghanistan we leave behind," Bush Administration officials say they are increasingly concerned about the survival of Hamid Karzai's interim government in Kabul. The Administration is stepping up efforts to bolster Afghan security forces, yet it is reluctant to commit more US troops.

Bishkek Security Conference Timely, But Upshot Unclear (Chris Schuepp, April 5, 2002)

When Kyrgyz President Askar Akayev initiated the Bishkek International Conference on Enhancing Security and Stability in Central Asia in June 2001, he could not have known that scheduling the meeting for December 2001 in the Kyrgyz capital would bring his struggling country international attention. Now that more than three months have passed since the conference, though, the moment for the goals set forth at the conference appears to have passed.

Former Afghan King's Delayed Return Indicates Afghan Security Crisis (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, April 2, 2002)

The delayed return to Kabul of Afghanistan's exiled former king, Mohammed Zahir Shah, may change how the United States approaches the problem of Afghan security. For days before Zahir's scheduled March 25 arrival, Hamid Karzai's interim Afghan government and the king's Pashtun kinsmen had laid out plans for an elaborate homecoming ceremony. But when United States president George W. Bush phoned Italian Premier Silvio Berlusconi on March 21 to warn him of possible attempts on Zahir Shah's life, Italian officials postponed the flight until April 16. They had worried for weeks about the risks associated with sending the king home.

Timetable on Loya Jirga Leaves Little Room for Dithering (Ron Synovitz, April 1, 2002)

The plans unveiled in Kabul yesterday for Afghanistan's 1,500-member Loya Jirga, or Grand Council, allow for little delay during either the creation of the council or its work. A mere seven days have been set aside - from 10-16 June - for the Loya Jirga to be inaugurated, conduct all of its debates, and appoint an 18-month transitional authority that takes over power from Hamid Karzai's interim administration.

Trend Towards Political Confrontation in Central Asian States Accelerating Since September 11 (Igor Torbakov, March 26, 2002)

The recent violent clashes in Kyrgyzstan illustrate a general trend in Central Asia towards the radicalization of opposition movements. The trend appears to have accelerated since September 11, increasing the risk that troops from the US-led international ant-terrorism coalition, now based in Central Asia, may find themselves caught in the middle of intensifying domestic political conflicts.

Traffic Accident Prompts Scrutiny of US Military Role in Kyrgyzstan (Alisher Khamidov, March 25, 2002)

A recent road accident involving an American officer has stirred growing sensitivities in Kyrgyzstan about the presence of a US-built military base near Bishkek's airport. US officials have taken swift action to prevent diplomatic difficulties. However, the traffic incident has prompted some Kyrgyz to scrutinize the potential benefits and drawbacks of a US military presence in Kyrgyzstan.

US Officials Give High Marks to Karimov on Washington Visit (Ariel Cohen, March 15, 2002)

The US government is putting the best face possible on Uzbek President Islam Karimov's visit to Washington. Officials from the State Department, National Security Council and the Pentagon stress that Karimov promised to improve Uzbekistan's human rights record, adding that they believe Karimov is sincere in his desire to promote civil society in the Central Asian nation.

Uzbekistan: What Policy Must the US Have? (Abdumannob Polat, March 9, 2002)

On March 12, President Bush plans to greet his Uzbek counterpart, Islam Karimov, in the White House. Uzbekistan has emerged as a key strategic partner to the United States after September 11, not only due to its frontier with Afghanistan. For years, some strategists in Washington have considered the Tashkent regime as an important regional player. It is the most populous nation in the region with 24 million citizens, and serves as the homeland for significant Uzbek minorities in all its neighbors, including Afghanistan.

Afghan Leader's Visit to Iran Hands Political Victory to Reformists in Tehran (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard, February 26, 2002)

During his recent visit to Tehran, interim Afghan leader Hamid Karzai received an important boost from Iranian leaders, who pledged to take measures to cut off assistance to unruly warlords inside Afghanistan. Less visible, yet just as significant was the fact that Karzai's visit had important ramifications for Iranian domestic politics, marking a victory for reformist President Mohammed Khatami in his long-running struggle with conservative political forces inside Iran.

Afghan Reconstruction Effort Poses Major Test for Iranian Policy Makers (Camelia Entekhabi-Fard and Idi Verani, February 21, 2002)

The anti-terrorism campaign in Afghanistan and its aftermath pose a major test for Islamic Iran's foreign policy makers. The geopolitical contest that surrounds Afghan reconstruction is forcing Islamic Iran to clarify its national interests. That, in turn, is helping to fuel competition between conservative and reformist forces in Iran.

Kazakhstan Under Pressure to Choose One Strategic Partner (Ibragim Alibekov, February 19, 2002)

China is concerned that the new US military presence in Central Asia poses a threat to Beijing's political and economic interests in the region. A Chinese diplomat in Kazakhstan claimed that a US request to establish a base in the Central Asian nation was aimed specifically at checking the spread of Chinese influence.

Iranian Conservatives Seek to Influence Developments in Afghanistan (Artie McConnell, February 14, 2002)

In a move hailed as a significant show of support for Afghanistan's interim government, Iran has curbed renegade Afghan warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's activities. At the same time, conservative Islamic elements in Iran are engaged on an on-going effort to enhance Tehran's influence over Afghanistan's reconstruction.

Regional Powers in Central Asia Grapple with Expanding US Military Presence (Ariel Cohen, February 6, 2002)

The ongoing American military presence in Afghanistan underscores the evident US willingness to broaden the campaign against terrorism. Regional powers in Central Asia, especially Iran, have been disconcerted by US rhetoric. At the same time, regional rivals appear to have few means at their disposal to prevent the United State from implementing its anti-terrorism plans.

Suspicions of Iranian Meddling Becloud Bid for Afghan Peacekeepers (Todd Diamond, January 30, 2002)

Despite a hero's reception at US President George W. Bush's State of the Union address, interim Afghan leader Hamid Karzai finished his most recent trip to the United States without key assurances on international peacekeeping in his tattered nation. Capping three days of diplomacy and lobbying in New York and Washington, Karzai called on the United Nations Security Council to extend and expand the presence of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in his country.

US Military Forces Build Up Strength in Kyrgyzstan (Daan van der Schriek, January 23, 2002)

A US task force is scheduled to conduct joint military exercises with Kyrgyz troops on January 24, outside Bishkek. In the first of several such planned exercises, US and Kyrgyz soldiers will practice anti-guerrilla operations in mountainous terrain. The joint maneuvers, along with a January 23 visit by Gen. Tommy Franks to Bishkek, the US commander of anti-terrorism operations in Afghanistan, provide further evidence that the United States is engaged in a rapid military build-up in Kyrgyzstan.

The Lack of Russian Military Reform Helped Usher US Forces into Central Asia (Ariel Cohen, January 22, 2002)

The January 22 visit to Tashkent by Gen. Tommy Franks, commander of the US anti-terrorism campaign in Afghanistan, has Moscow strategists fretting. Franks' talks with Uzbek leaders comes at a time of great debate in Russia over the United States' intentions in Central Asia. Central Asia watchers in Moscow feel the latest indicators point to a permanent US presence in the region.

Iran: Tehran Returns To Kabul After Long Absence Under Taliban (Charles Recknagel and William Samii, January 19, 2002)

During the Taliban period, Tehran was a virtual non-entity in Kabul. The Iranians left the Afghan capital because they -- like every other country in the world but three -- refused to recognize the militia as Afghanistan's government. But after the Iranians left, the Taliban singled out their embassy for special treatment. The locked main gate of the spacious, tree-dotted compound was painted black in a public gesture of contempt.

The Bush Administration Casts a Wary Eye on Iran (Ariel Cohen, January 16, 2002)

The Bush Administration is scrutinizing Iran's actions, as Tehran appears to be struggling to adapt to the sudden geopolitical shift brought on by the US-led anti-terrorism campaign in Afghanistan. While Iranian leaders welcome the removal of the Taliban from power, they are wary about the sudden growth of US influence in the region.

Many Afghan Refugees in Tajikistan Eager to Repatriate (Davron Vali, January 17, 2002)

Tajikistan, which is itself struggling to overcome the effects of a 1992-97 civil war, has lacked resources to properly accommodate Afghan refugees, many of whom are ethnic Tajiks originally from northern regions of Afghanistan. Afghans have sought refuge in Tajikistan for more than a decade, after Mujaheddin forces ousted the Communist regime in Kabul in 1992. During the US-led anti-terrorism campaign, which resulted in the Taliban's ouster, the Tajik government sealed its border to prevent a refugee surge. Officials justified their action by saying that Tajikistan lacked the infrastructure to cope with such an influx.

Two Reports on Afghanistan's Reconstruction Raise Concern About Future Stability (January 10, 2002)

Two studies on Afghanistan's reconstruction process raise concerns that the existing state-building framework may be inadequate to stabilize the war-ravaged country. The policy papers, published by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, argue that a stronger international presence is needed in Afghanistan, and that more attention should be paid to regional stabilization efforts.

US Diplomat Says 'Moral Dimension' Part of Bush Administration Policy on Uzbekistan (Q & A with US Assistant Secretary of State Lorne W. Craner, January 10, 2002)

US Assistant Secretary of State Lorne W. Craner coordinates US programs that promote human rights and democratization worldwide. With the United States and Uzbekistan expanding political and economic cooperation, Craner visited Tashkent recently to assess the civil society development in the Central Asian country. Craner spoke with an EurasiaNet correspondent in Tashkent.

Afghanistan: Ethnic Turkmen Seek Peace-Building Role (Charles Recknagel, January 4, 2002)

Now, in an effort to play more of a role in Afghanistan's nation-building, Turkmen community leaders have formed a "shura," or council, to meet with the interim government's top officials. The council is composed of intellectuals from the Turkmen refugee community in Pakistan and elders and other leaders of the Turkmen population in Afghanistan.

In Aiding Northern Alliance, US Must Address Past War Crimes (Patricia Gossman, October 3, 2001)

The United States has announced a covert aid package for its new allies in Afghanistan, the Northern Alliance, aimed at bolstering its ability to topple the Taliban. But it is unclear how much thought is being given to Afghanistan’s post-Taliban political order. A military strategy by itself is not sufficient; in the absence of any transitional political process, the imminent collapse of the Taliban could create a dangerous power vacuum that could destroy what is left of Afghanistan.

Expert Says Afghanistan Requires Long-Term International Commitment (Justin Burke, September 25, 2001)

Before the first salvo in the looming US war against terrorism is fired, the Bush Administration is contemplating Afghanistan's post-Taliban order, searching for ways to promote long-term stability in the conflict-ravaged country, a leading expert on Afghanistan said at a September 25 meeting.

Examining the Origins of the September 11 Attacks (September 25, 2001)

For Barnett Rubin, the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States are partly rooted in a pattern of foreign policy missteps by the American government concerning the 1979-89 Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and its aftermath.

The Risks And Benefits Of War In Afghanistan (Ahmed Rashid, September 24, 2001)

The looming US attack against Osama bin Laden and Afghanistan's Taliban may radically reshape the geopolitical balance in Central and South Asia. Instead of merely dealing with the threat of terrorism, the magnitude of the US response could cause the region to unravel. The risks are huge, but so are the potential benefits. The outcome will depend more on Washington's political strategy than its firepower.

Beholden To Bin Laden, Taliban Can’t Hand Terrorist Mastermind Over To Us (Artie McConnell, September 21, 2001)

Afghanistan’s ruling militia, the Taliban, has suggested there is a religious basis for the decision not to hand over Osama bin Laden to the United States. In reality, the choice is rooted more in politics than in Islam. Bin Laden is simply too essential to the Taliban’s military capacity, economic survival, and credibility within the radical Islamic community to sacrifice.

Turkmenistan: A Question Mark In Central Asia's Security Framework (Rustem Safronov, September 21, 2001)

A source tells EurasiaNet that the US government is reevaluating its approach to Turkmenistan, a country with shaky state structures and ruled with an iron hand by the mercurial President Saparmurat Niyazov. The chief concern is that Islamic radicals in neighboring Afghanistan may utilize Turkmenistan’s porous borders to elude US retaliatory strikes.

Us Moves Against Afghanistan Cause Concern In Neighboring Tajikistan (Daler Nurkhanov , September 20, 2001)

US moves to retaliate for the September 11 terrorist attacks places Tajikistan, one of Afghanistan’s northern neighbors, in a tough position. Tajik leaders are struggling to maintain stability in a country still recovering from the effects of civil war. They are anxious to crush the regional threat posed by Taliban-sponsored radical Islam. At the same time, officials worry that a possible US blitz on Afghanistan will cause a humanitarian crisis that overwhelms Tajikistan.

Afghanistan: Talk Of Strikes Throws Lifeline To Opposition (Tony Wesolowsky, September 19, 2001)

The Afghan opposition seemed on the verge of irrelevancy -- or worse, extinction -- earlier this month. On 9 September, the Northern Alliance lost its charismatic leader, Ahmad Shah Masood. He was mortally wounded when a bomb -- hidden in a camera held by two assassins posing as journalists -- exploded at Masood's headquarters on Afghanistan's northern border with Tajikistan. He died of his injuries six days later.

Pakistan Faces Stark Choices With Profound Implications For Central Eurasia (Ahmed Rashid, September 17, 2001)

Pakistan’s military ruler President Pervaiz Musharraf has pledged full cooperation with the US against terrorism, but Pakistan will need to carry out a U turn in its policy of support to the Taliban if it is to regain the West’s confidence and end its present diplomatic isolation. The stark policy choices the Pakistani military faces may involve a complete turn around from its 20 years of clandestine support of Jihadi parties and the growth of a Jihadi culture that have sustained its policies in Kashmir and Central Asia.

Central Asia: Afghanistan's Neighbors Face New Concerns (Jeremy Bransten, September 17, 2001)

Almost immediately after the terrorist attacks against the United States on 11 September, the name of Osama bin Laden surfaced as the possible mastermind behind the carnage. U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell yesterday confirmed that Washington considers bin Laden a prime suspect in its investigation, increasing the odds of retaliation against Afghanistan's Taliban regime, which has long harbored the indicted terrorist. How do Afghanistan's neighbors in Central Asia feel about being near the potential frontline of what U.S. President George Bush has called the "first war of the 21st century"?

Crackdowns, Confusion Ahead For Central Asia And Caucasus (Alec Appelbaum, September 13, 2001)

If the terrorist attacks on September 11 left Americans grasping for new ways to define the world, they also reinforced a growing division in Central Asian societies. Since these states became independent, they have grappled with rising Islamic radicalism.