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![]() July 15, 2002
Jael Silliman is an Associate Professor of Women's Studies at the University of Iowa and the author of the new book Jewish Portraits, Indian Frames: Women's Narratives from a Diaspora of Hope (Brandeis University Press, 2002). This immensely personal book chronicles Calcutta's little-known Jewish community through the lives of four generations of Jewish women in Silliman's family. It has been called, "a fascinating account of the relationship between urban and national identities, the heterogeneity of the Jewish diaspora, cultural difference between colony and post-colony, and, above all, women's lives" by Gayatri Spivak. AsiaSource spoke with Professor Silliman from her home in Iowa City.
As far as I understand, there are three distinct Jewish communities in
India. Can you give a brief explanation of the history of each
community? When did each community come to India and under what
circumstances? How did the communities interact with each other in South Asia?
The Jews of Cochin are the oldest Jewish community in India. They are
believed to have come as traders or as refugees from the siege of Jerusalem
2,000 years ago or more. They were a prosperous community of
agriculturalists, soldiers and merchants and a few held high political
office under the Hindu Maharaja. The second oldest Jewish community is
the Bene Israel community, who supposedly were shipwrecked off the Konkan coast and
settled in and around Mumbai way before the city existed. They assimilated
into Hindu culture but maintained some Jewish observances that enabled them
to be "discovered" much later and brought back into the Jewish
mainstream.
I am from the Baghdadi Jewish community of Calcutta. The
Baghdadis came to India during the British Raj and settled in Bombay,
Calcutta and other port cities in Asia. In the eighteenth, nineteenth and
twentieth centuries the Baghdadi Jewish diaspora stretched from Baghdad to
Shanghai and westwards to London.
There was very little interaction among the three distinct Jewish communities in India; they spoke different languages, observed different traditions and were products of very different cultures. They also lived in three very different regions of India. While the Baghdadi Jews of Bombay lived in close proximity with the Bene Israel there was very
little interaction between them.
How is the history of the Baghdadi Jewish community in India tied into
colonial history?
The Baghdadi Jews who came to India as traders in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries were responding to the new economic opportunities
generated by colonialism. The community flourished under colonial
rule. When the first Baghdadi Jewish settler, Shalome Cohen, arrived in
Calcutta in the late-eighteenth century, the British had identified
Calcutta as an important commercial center. Calcutta's appeal was enhanced
by its connection to both river and ocean traffic. The British had
established the key economic institutions for trade to flourish and
Fort William afforded Calcutta's merchants political protection and
security in their business enterprises. Jewish traders made large fortunes
in the opium trade and when that trade declined they invested in cotton and
jute products as export staples. They were also involved in the
cultivation, shipping and sale of indigo, among other items.
The Baghdadi Jews partnered both Indian and European commercial interests. Their
relationship with India and with colonialism was complicated; they played an
exploitative role as outsiders in the economic colonization of India, while
facilitating the colonial project. They were loyal to the British and when
the British left they were unsure of their future in India. This led to a
Jewish exodus that was propelled by the Second World War, Indian
independence, and the formation of Israel. Today there are barely 30 Jews
left in Calcutta though three impressive and large synagogues, two prayer
halls, two schools and a cemetery remain, along with a few stately mansions
and street names. For the most part the Jewish presence has been written
over by contemporary India and is visible to only those in search of it.
You have written that once you came to the US you identified much more
with South Asian culture than with Jewish culture and that "Calcutta's
Jews had a kind of colonial politics that embarrassed" you. Can you
explain this?
I grew up in an independent India. By the sixties and the seventies there
were only a handful of Jews left in Calcutta. I strongly identified with
India and did not have any Jewish friends. Most of the Jews who I knew
were the older members of the community who had stayed behind in
Calcutta. These older members of the community who had grown up in a
colonial world still had very colonial mentalities. Most had colonial
ideas about race and placed themselves in the upper echelons of the social
pyramid that structured social life in the colonies They wore dresses, did
not identify with an "Indian India" and still lived in predominantly Jewish
worlds. They did not mix with others and seemed very narrow-minded,
outdated and anachronistic to me. It was certainly not a world I wanted
to be part of; it was a backward-looking rather than a forward-looking
community and had little to offer me as a young person. I wanted to be
part of the Indian mainstream and was full of idealism about India's
future. I winced when my grandmother would refer to my friends casually as
"natives."
How does the Judaism you grew up with differ (both religiously and
culturally) from mainstream American (Ashkenazi) Judaism? What are the
similarities?
I did not grow up in a very religious world. Though my home was Jewish and
I was proud to be Jewish, I did not grow up as part of a Jewish
community. Thus I was not very familiar with my own Jewish traditions or
heritage. For me Judaism was more a form of identity than anything
else. It fixed my location in a very plural society. While Jewishness set
me apart and made me different, it also made me like everybody I knew. They
too, like me, identified with being Indian as well as with the community to
which they belonged, be that Christian, Parsi, Bengali, Punjabi or
Marwari. Thus I would say that by the time I grew up I was very much like
assimilated Jews in America today. This was strikingly different from the
generations who preceded me who lived almost exclusively in Jewish worlds
and identified primarily with Jewishness.
In India those Jews who studied in the Jewish schools had primarily Jewish
educations and were very familiar with Baghadi Jewish traditions. However
we did not have Sunday schools or religious teachings outside the
schools. Religious observances were limited to going to services on the
high holidays, keeping Passover, having Shabat dinners every Friday, etc. Our
melodies for prayers were completely different from Ashkenazi melodies, as
was our food. Our food is primarily Middle Eastern with an Indian
influence. There are a few Calcutta specialties like aloo-makallah, which is a deep fried crisp potato that we eat on Friday nights.
I have often heard Indians proudly say that India is the one country where
Jews have never been persecuted. Do you think this is an accurate assessment?
Yes, that is very accurate. In fact I would say that Jews have been treated
with great respect in India and never been excluded from social or
political life. When they have chosen to identify with India and serve the
country they have achieved high political office and their Jewishness has
never been a political or social bar. Socially, Jews have been members of
exclusive clubs and societies and have not been restricted in any social
spaces. They have thrived in their economic endeavors and been writers,
artists, political commentators, film stars, army generals and even
governors of prominence.
You called Calcutta's Baghdadi Jewish community "a diaspora of
hope." What makes this diaspora hopeful? Did Indian Jews successfully
avoid the horrors of the Holocaust?
I called our community a diaspora of hope because as the community moved
from Baghdad to India and the Far East in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, and reconstituted themselves in the Western world by settling in Australia, England, Israel, the US and Canada in the latter half
of the twentieth century, they advanced their social and economic positions
in each of these moves. This diaspora of mobility and gain shows that
diasporic processes do not have to be framed in terms of overwhelming loss,
exile and displacement. As the Baghdadi Jewish experience indicates, Jewish
diaspora experiences are very varied. The European Jewish diasporic
experience cannot be generalized to other communities that thrived in
diaspora. The Calcutta Jews did not experience anti-Semitism even as the
Holocaust raged in Europe. In fact the Baghdadi Jews provided shelter to
several European Jews who escaped the Holocaust and lived in
India. Several of those European Jews stayed on in Calcutta after the war
and did very well for themselves and their families.
Learning history from the personal narratives of women enables the lives and
voices of women that have never been heard or critically understood to
emerge. One of the challenges of conducting this form of research has to
do with ethical issues: what you can and cannot say about people's
lives. This is especially complex when you are telling the story of
members of your family and your concerns regarding how they and other family
members will read your account of their lives. I relied heavily on oral
histories as there are almost no written documents about their lives. My
mother knew all the women portrayed and was critical in this
writing. The book blends together my consciousness with my mother's,
making it sometimes hard to separate one from the other. I began each
portrait by asking my mother to tell me what she thought was most
significant about each character and the time in which they lived. She
provided me with a series of dates and notes. Starting from her telling and
cursory notes I probed and pushed myself and her, moving each account in
very different directions. Knowing I could not produce an "objective"
account of their lives, I let my mother and other informants speak for
themselves as much as possible so that readers may draw their own
conclusions.
I have visited, interviewed and spent time with members of the community who knew or were related to the women whose lives I portray. I
have cross-referenced and substantiated the family narratives with historical
material, oral interviews with others members of the community, inside and
outside experts as well as my own perceptions and experience of growing up
Jewish in Calcutta.
The Calcutta Jewish community till the mid-twentieth century strictly
maintained their Jewish identity and drew impermeable borders between
themselves and the other communities that engulfed them. They lived for
the most part in close proximity to other Jewish families, went to Jewish
schools, attended Jewish social functions and inter-marriage was
taboo. This social segregation was commonplace in the Indian and colonial
environment of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries where the
compartmentalzation of difference was pervasive among all communities.
As a religious community, the Baghdadi Jews were always worried about
assimilation. They emphasized their foreign origin and their religion to
distinguish themselves from the dominant Hindu and also the minority Muslim
and Christian communities. They distanced themselves from India and Indian
culture. However they were well integrated in the economic system and
occupied that space between Brown and White in the colonial
period. Neither British nor Indian, they clung tenaciously to their Jewish
identity. However ,they cultivated and enjoyed good social relationships
with their Indian and British counterparts.
Can you unpack the term "Jewish Asia"? Where are there other Jewish
communities in Asia and how were they connected culturally?
Throughout what I call "Jewish Asia" refers to this string of Baghdadi communities who carried out their business ventures and community life in key financial
and port cities. The Jews within each of these communities were few in
number and were sustained by the other Jews in Basra, Rangoon, Bombay,
Karachi, Singapore and Shanghai who provided each other religious,
financial and social support. Thus this scattered and small,
interdependent community of Baghdadi Jews provided one another with the
business links as well as the cultural and religious resources they
needed. Travelers and goods moved up and down this network. Women moved
from one community to another in search of marriage partners and entire
families moved up and down this vast geographic space to be part of
family celebrations: weddings, brits [circumcision ceremonies] and bar mitzvahs. Marriages,
commercial news and business ties welded the small communities into an
important economic and cultural presence in the East.
In the US, Jewish studies has previously been dominated by Ashkenazim and
by the experience of the Holocaust. Why is it important for other Jewish
voices to be heard?
By constantly privileging the Ashkenazi Jewish experience, the histories of
other Jewish communities are erased. The diversity of experience among
Jews is obliterated and we are not able to imagine worlds where
anti-Semitism does not exist. An understanding of Jewish life in Calcutta,
where many diverse communities thrived, provides new insights into how
multiculturalism operates. Multiculturalism was a way of life in
Calcutta. It is important for this minority narrative to be heard in India
today.
Why was now an important time to write this book? Does the imposing
presence of the BJP and the rise of anti-minority sentiment in India
underscore the importance of this book?
These minority narratives testify to India's plural past, in which many
communities flourished. Telling these stories today is particularly
relevant not only to understand India's past, but her future. Such accounts
resist efforts to communalize India's past and present and stand in
contrast to contemporary histories that are being rewritten to serve
sectarian agendas. Though the Calcutta Jews were small in number, they
played a significant role in shaping the cultural and economic contours of
the city, as did Parsis, Armenians, Chinese and other minority communities. Calcutta became a great city because its
history was molded by many different communities and its interactions with
the outside world. It is important to underline the role of minority
communities in the development of India, especially today when anti-minority
sentiment is on the rise and being used for political objectives.
What has happened to Calcutta's Jewish community today?
There are barely any Jews left in Calcutta today. I returned from Calcutta
last week and heard that an older member of the community, a well-known
restaurant owner, had passed away. There were not the ten men needed for
the minyan [a Jewish prayer group requiring ten male Jews]. There are rumors in the city that the well-known Jewish
confectioner Nahoums in the New Market will soon be selling out. The
synagogues are immaculately maintained as they are run on Jewish Trust
Funds. The Jewish Girls School in the heart of Calcutta has no Jewish girl
attending it. As I said earlier as well, the Jewish presence has been written over by contemporary
India and is now only visible to those in search of it.
For those who grew up in Calcutta when there was a thriving Jewish community, there is a nostalgia
about the Jewish presence. People write to me after reading the book about
Jewish friends they knew, businesses they patronized, and often ask me
incredulously why the Jews left this city where they prospered and
were always so welcome.
Interview conducted by Michelle Caswell of AsiaSource.
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